Livelihood diversification, mobile phones and information diversity in Northern Tanzania
Introduction
A longstanding concern within the scholarship on land-use change is livelihood diversification (LD) by smallholder agricultural and pastoralist groups in rural areas (Ellis, 2000b, Barrett et al., 2001). With LD, households and communities pursue diverse economic strategies to manage uncertainty and improve their lives. Much of the research on LD has focused on its material causes and consequences. Implicit in these studies, however, is the notion that as people engage new economic activities, they come into contact with new groups of people – and new types of information.
Information is a critical resource. It is a key form of social capital, a bulwark against uncertainty, and the foundation of decision-making. And as with other resources, access to information varies. Generally, people acquire and evaluate information through their personal experiences and their social networks. For decades, sociologists and business scholars have studied the relationships between social networks, information, and economic outcomes. Studies have found that diverse networks produce diverse information – and that diverse networks and information are associated with a wide range of positive outcomes from wages and productivity to political success and innovation (Aral and Alstyne, 2011, Page, 2008, Granovetter, 1983, Bruggeman, 2016). Despite these observations from the developed world, we are aware of no studies that directly examine the relationship between LD and information diversity (ID) in developing contexts. This is especially conspicuous given the ubiquity of information and communication technologies (ICTs), especially mobile phones, throughout the developing world (Itu, 2013).
Mobile phones, now widespread throughout Africa, have been heralded as transformative new tools for social networking and economic development (Clinton, 2012). However, phone adoption has occurred within contexts where deeply engrained social, cultural and economic norms are resilient leading some to question whether new mobile technologies are merely supportive rather than transformative (Donner and Escobari, 2010, Butt, 2014). From this perspective, it may not be that phone use drives land use – but that land use drives phone use.
With this paper, we seek to contribute to the scholarship on rural, pastoralist livelihoods and land use by examining the relationship between LD and ID in an area where mobile phones are becoming commonplace. Here, LD is an established mechanism by which rural households become variably connected with new groups and new types of information. Alternatively, mobile phones are important new tools to facilitate communication. Following this approach, we use mixed methods to examine how mobile phone-use has been incorporated into diversified pastoralist livelihoods and how LD is associated with diverse modes and types of communication and information exchange. To address these concerns, we focus on four ethnically Maasai, agro-pastoralist communities in northern Tanzania where phone use is widespread and indigenous land use faces many challenges.
Section snippets
Conceptual framework
Here we present a conceptual framework that views: (1) information as a key social and economic resource; (2) the distribution of information as a function of social networks and technology; (3) livelihoods as key drivers of social networks; and (4) mobile phones as new technologies to expand and leverage networks and provide access to more types and greater amounts of information, which we refer to as ID.
Within this framework, ongoing LD is viewed as a strategy to promote economic stability by
Methods
Multiple methods of data collection and analysis were integrated to address each research question. The primary methodological approaches used were semi-structured group interviews and a structured survey of households.
Descriptions of phone use and livelihoods
A comment made during one group interview exemplified the tenor of the discussion in each of our interviews: “the phone is one of the best tools we have ever seen.” Many described how they have “been growing up without phones” and compared the current situation to earlier times. In the past, “I wake up in the morning and have ten things… and I need to start walking.” Now with a phone, “you can finish all your problems in a short time.” Overwhelmingly, groups indicated how much easier it is with
Discussion
The qualitative results of the study provide evidence that mobile phones: (1) support a broad range of Maasai livelihood activities by facilitating communication between individuals and groups; and (2) have introduced some new communication-related challenges (RQ1). These findings also illustrate the ways in which Maasai have adopted mobile phones as critical new tools to manage relationships, resources and risk − a topic on which there is relatively little research (Butt, 2014, Lewis et al.,
Conclusion
The goal of this paper was to describe the relationship between Maasai LD and ID within a context of rapid mobile-phone adoption. The relevance of these issues was driven home for us during one group interview when a respondent stated, “a good herder always brings information, even without a phone.” While it may be tempting to describe how powerful new technologies are transforming rural livelihoods and land uses, our findings suggest that, thus far, Maasai have used phones to support their
Acknowledgements
Data collection for this study was supported by a grant to the authors from the National Geographic Society Committee for Research and Exploration (#9293-13). We thank Gabriel Ole Saitoti and Isaya Rumas for their assistance in the field and Terry McCabe and Emily Woodhouse for their counsel.
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